Monday, October 27, 2025

“A passion for the sham…. A sickness of pretence“

 

I have noted here before the low regard for plastic in post-WW2 highbrow culture - which was transvaluated into a positive by Warhol and other Pop Artists, and in turn espoused by Bowie as an anti-authenticity riff (his Young Americans mode of "plastic soul";  he also described Ziggy as a “plastic rocker”) Sort of “synthetic and proud of it, me!” “Guaranteed not the real thing”.

In this eerie 1962 Monitor short film "The Lonely Shore"- which imagines a team of researchers in the far future visiting the ruined wasteland of Britain and trying to reconstruct the lost civilization using archeological fragments and ancient artifacts whose function and meaning can only be speculated about -  the 1960s literati loathing for plastic is evident with comments about a curiously repulsive substance out of which many objects are fashioned. 

The artificial colours of these man-made materials are connected to a general critique of artifice, pretence, fantasy, and superficiality that is seen as the malaise that rotted out the Lost Civilization, which had waned through its loss of connection to the virile and vitalizing energies of Nature. 

Again, very par for the course for post-WW2 discontents against modernity, cutting across from highbrows like J.B. Priestley with his admass society critique, to the the counterculture of beats and hippies, with their Rousseau-esque "nostalgia of mud", earthen palette of brownish fabrics, additive-free macrobiotics etc

One of the slogans of King Mob - the UK cell of the Situationists - was “Smash the Plastic Death”





















^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

Informational lowdown from Ian Holloway at Wyrd Britain:

"Written by Jacquetta Hawkes, filmed by Ken Russell and with commentary by Tony Church, this fabulous little film was one of 21 that Russell made for the fortnightly BBC arts programme 'Monitor' between 1959 and 1962.

"The entirely fascinating Hawkes - the first woman to read for the Archeology & Anthropology degree at the University of Cambridge, co-founder of CND, gay rights campaigner & wife of novelist J.B. Priestly - provides a text that is as cutting as it is blunt, that satirises both the language and assumptions of her own disciplines and the cosy absurdities and consumerist excesses of British life in the early 1960s. "  

Ha, I mentioned J.B. Priestley and his "admass" idea, and here it's his missus, Jacquetta Hawkes, writing the text to "The Lonely Shore" 

As Holloway observes, she looks to have been a fascinating polymath. Amongst other things, she was an archaeologist, which fits with the framing of "The Lonely Shore", she was renowned for her book A Land, about British geology and archaeology. 


Sunday, October 26, 2025

Anti-theatricality and politics (big balls)

This piece by Rick Wilson on Trump’s desecration of the White House is limned with theatrical metaphor


The East Wing Obscenity

Trump's Ballroom Is a Tumor On The People's House



There’s a way the light falls in the White House on Autumn afternoons in Washington, thinning with the waning of the year, slanting, a dull gold the color of old parchment, that makes you feel you’ve slipped into a country where history isn’t past tense but a persistent whisper.


In the sad obscenity of the moment, one of the White House’s most beautiful spaces has been amputated, torn away from time and memory in an act of vulgar insult. The East Wing is lost now.


You once walked from the Visitors’ Foyer toward the East Wing, and the world narrowed to marble, glass, and the muffled hush of the People’s House breathing, working, constant and quiet.


It wasn’t grand in the old European sense; it was American grand, which is to say an old beauty, balanced and proper, perhaps a little improvised, a touch austere in places, and deeply intentional. It had the moral clarity of a church vestibule and, if you watched carefully, the workaday charm of a school hallway after the bell.


Generations of tourists and schoolkids and staffers honored to work there scuffed these floors. Marine sentries stooped to pick up a stray mitten and hand it back to a child who, only much later, would understand where she was.


The White House was never meant to be a palace, nor the Oval Office a throne room.


The East Wing was the living artery of the White House, the First Lady’s offices, the Social Office, the machinery of ceremonial democracy where symbolism gets translated into human scale. It’s where letters are answered and tours are staged; where holiday cards go from proofs to envelopes; where military families with tight smiles and damp eyes wait to meet a president who will say, “We remember.”


It was the workbench of the republic’s rituals, the place that once transformed policy into hospitality, power into presence, memory into history.


The first thing worth knowing is that the East Wing wasn’t always there; that is no defense of its obscene desecration today. Teddy Roosevelt’s 1902 renovation gave us colonnades that linked the Residence to the outer offices, a balancing act of symmetry and purpose.


But the East Wing as we know it rose in 1942, a wartime facade to conceal the excavation of a bomb shelter beneath the lawn. We built gentility over fear; a classic American move, the practical architecture under the poised exterior. We added a Family Theater, because even during the worst of it, movies shaped our culture, the flickering consolation of stories in good times and bad.


The wing became a geography of grace notes: the East Garden that would later be coaxed into elegance by Jacqueline Kennedy; the corridor where photographs line up like a roll call of American life; the rooms that belong to prior First Ladies’ staffs, the keepers of continuity, the stewards of tone and memory. The current First Lady does not live or work in the White House except for brief, transactional appearances, and barely deserves the title.


Jacqueline Kennedy took the White House and made it an American cultural project without turning it into a museum. Her work wasn’t just about tables and fabrics; it was about the idea that the place mattered, that a nation with the existential threat of the bomb and a tide of trouble on the horizon also deserved elegance and art. Lady Bird Johnson gave us wildflowers and the conviction that beauty is public policy, too. Pat Nixon added to the collection with a practical eye, because good stewardship is rarely fashionable but always necessary. Rosalynn Carter welded compassion to competence.


Nancy Reagan wrapped it all in some theater, yes, but with a director’s sharp instinct for scene and consequence. Barbara Bush, in those kinder, gentler moments, welcomed those points of light to the East Wing. Hillary Clinton put a policy-nerd backbone into it; Laura Bush, a librarian’s quiet welcome to young readers. Michelle Obama threw the doors wide, cultivating White House gardens and kids’ health programs.


In every iteration, the East Wing kept the faith. It was the quiet liturgy of the American idea: welcome, steward, improve, and hand off to the next generation a little better and richer than before.


Then came our age of desecration, where every beloved historic treasure becomes a prop and every prop an instrument of power.


Donald Trump didn’t just misunderstand the East Wing; he loathes the category of things it represents.


He walked into a cathedral with a bullhorn, spray paint, and faux gold leaf. He saw a place designed for civic honor, official tenderness, and historical respect and wondered why it didn’t look more like a casino atrium, a glittery Liberace dreamscape.


The East Wing, under Melania Trump, became a mood board for grievance. The holiday corridors turned into a fever dream of performative menace, a pomo aesthetic that screamed more threat than holiday spirit. The Social Office, traditionally where protocol breathes, is now one more wing of the Department of Trolling, a conveyor belt of grotesque events staged not as acts of national hospitality but as moments for the Dear Leader to caper while his minions offer proofs of loyalty.


The White House grounds have become a gimcrack stage set, a regional dinner theater of the absurd.


It’s American malaise dressed up as blaring pageant: a stripper-pole segment added to a ballet, a spiritual emptiness that comes when a man confuses himself with a country and then tries to decorate the void in more and more gold leaf and Temu-grade gradeau.


There was, and still is, something transcendent about the White House, something balanced and quiet and stately. These are things Trump cannot abide. His vulgarity and transgression are a message that dignity and duty are for suckers; ego, payoffs, gilt ornaments and gaudy filigree are the sacrament.


And so the East Wing must be destroyed to make way for a grotesque carbuncle, a vile big-box Barbie Dream House ballroom so Trump can pack more in more paying sycophants per square foot.


I heard a particularly dumb take yesterday on this moment: the argument that Apple and Google and OpenAI and the other beggars at Trump’s feet are responsible for this.


It was a shallow and puerile excuse. They are, at best, symptoms, enablers, hollow men uttering the mantra of “shareholder value” to themselves.


This destruction, like all his other acts, is the pure, sole, personal responsibility of Donald John Trump, America’s most vile and vulgar president. Blaming the marks and the accommodationists is like saying Vichy France was responsible for the Holocaust.


Trump is the leader of a movement and moment of American rot and corruption. He is its Alpha and its Omega. Don’t mistake the cause of this for the men bankrolling it. It is Trump’s hatred of all that came before him that caused this vile moment.


The past is not past, and a White House is not just stone, boards, plaster and lath; it’s a body keeping the memory of our nation in it’s corners and joints.


The East Wing had known wartime and peacetime, tragedy and grace. It absorbed the grief of widows after Dallas and the tight-lipped resilience after September 11. It felt the scuff of wheelchairs when George H.W. Bush signed the Americans With Disabilities Act, and the staccato footsteps of schoolchildren. It welcomed diplomats and astronauts, athletes and scholars. That corridor remembers the comfort of a First Lady’s hand on a Gold Star mother’s sleeve. It remembers the volunteer docents, each one a small-town mythologist speaking the country back to itself.


And it remembers, now, the clatter of a regime that replaced it all with set dressing for authoritarian kitsch.


The desecration is not a broken façade. It’s a broken covenant.


This is not about the wall being savaged by demolition machines.


It’s about what the East Wing is supposed to accomplish in the American psyche. The West Wing, prior to this fallen era, was where decisions were forged under terrible pressure, the grim and necessary mechanics of governance. The East Wing is where the republic breathes out, where we make meaning beyond politics, show mercy, and demonstrate that democracy can have manners.


It’s the wing that says, “We remember you,” to the bereaved and “We see you,” to the overlooked. It was, in a functional theology of civic life, the chapel. We do not need our leaders to be saints, but we are right to insist they treat the people’s house with respect.


Trump’s desecrations go far beyond today, both subtle and loud. Subtle in the way any rot is: the corruption, the cruelty, the menace are a slow corrosion; you don’t notice the termites until the balustrade gives way. Loud in the way his grunting audience demanded: using the People’s House to stage partisan spectacle, turning the staff into actors in his America’s Most Vulgar reality show, collapsing the reverence due to shared spaces into a personal pageant.


If you strip the East Wing to install a grotesque, asymmetric hall to the Dear Leader, you erase its purpose. You erase our past, our shared legacies, our sacred spaces.


What happens to us when we allow our history and monuments to be torn down for ego and avarice? The damage is not contained to a lost facade or a destroyed portico, to a paint chip or an upholstery swatch.


It seeps into memory. The child who saw the White House at Christmastime is supposed to carry home the stubborn belief that the country can be beautiful and kind, and that she could work in that Oval Office one day. She is not supposed to carry home a sense that she crossed the threshold of a cult.


The East Wing is where we perform the rituals that bind an unruly republic: Easter Egg Rolls and Gold Star receptions, diplomatic receptions and dinners, the polite genius of state arrival ceremonies where we say to allies and rivals alike: this is who we are.


Protocol and memory that honor the past are the poetry of self-government. They’re the choreography of mutual respect. When you treat them as costume jewelry, they break.


I know the retort: “It’s just a ballroom; stop being dramatic.” But a nation is a set of stories told into objects. The chair at the table makes a claim. The place card makes a promise. The door held open at the exact right moment says, “We honor your dignity,” and the presence of a child at a ceremony says, “This doesn’t end with us.”


The East Wing was the place where that quiet language is spoken. Burn the dictionary and you’ll still have words, but you won’t have meaning.


Rick Wilson, the ad guy in me, will tell you optics matter because they encode values. Rick Wilson, the citizen, will tell you that destroying the East Wing signals something more dangerous than bad taste and vulgar transgression: a willingness to privatize the public sacred.


The slow vandalism of norms doesn’t begin with a coup; it begins with sneer quotes around the words “tradition” and “decorum.” Treat the People’s House like a personal club where you can extract tribute from lobbyists and corporate titans and you prepare the country to accept government as a private franchise.


Desecration begets a diminished nation, which begets indifference. And indifference is the graveyard of republics.


This is not nostalgia, for nostalgia is a history without edges or subtlety. It is an insistence that the brief occupants of the White House do not own it, do not have the right to destroy it, do not define it for all time.


The Truman reconstruction taught us that a beautiful facade can hide a collapsing interior; he gutted the place and rebuilt it so the metaphor wouldn’t swallow the building whole. That’s what we need now, again, not gilt to cover Trump’s guilt, not a temple to his greed and ego, but the hard, unglamorous carpentry of a national restoration.


We don’t need a palace. We need a People’s House that remembers what it’s for.


It will require one more turn of destruction, but it’s a demolition that puts us back on the path to our true selves as a nation.


Picture, then, the moment he is gone.


Again, the White House lawn echoes with construction machinery, removing the gaudy tumor of his ballroom, stripping it to the bare ground in a swift and certain way. It was a shabby thing, built cheap and fast, a strip-mall junk building covered in faux marble, a cheap imitation of European grandeur at odds with American dignity.


The day breaks on that new era, and earth movers fire up at the same moment and rip out the disco patio he installed in the Rose Garden. The stones he laid down are crushed, chipped to dust, not a sign of them left for a cult to claim from a landfill.


Picture the gardeners and groundskeepers, eager and ready to replant those rose bushes again, restoring one quiet place that belongs on those sacred 18 acres, not on the patio of Mar-a-Lago. Their hands and tools turn the soil, restoring life and dignity to a small space redolent with history.


Picture the careful work, the painstaking restoration of the East Wing and its facade beginning a few days later, an army of skilled craftsmen honored to work old magic with old tools to remake a lost space, guided by photos and plans, by memory and heart.


Picture the lights rising slowly in the East Wing at its re-dedication, the hush returning.


Picture a young staffer carrying a stack of envelopes for condolence letters, setting them gently on a desk polished by other hands, other years. Picture a volunteer pinning on a name tag and taking her place by the portrait of a First Lady who looks back with steady eyes.


Picture a Marine holding a door. Picture a child pressing a nose to the glass at the Colonnade and seeing the reflection of her own face and something beyond it: the outline of a country that belongs to her not because she is rich or loud but because she is here, because we said she belonged.


That is the opposite of desecration. It is restoration. It is dignity. It is respect.


That is the point of those 18 acres on Pennsylvania Avenue.


We must refuse to hand it over to the brutalists of spectacle, the partisans who believe quiet dignity and careful hospitality are weakness and that gaudy, transactional corruption is a national sacrament. We must steel ourselves against the performative contempt that turns civic life into pro-wrestling.


We must say it, constantly and stubbornly, that what happens in those rooms is not vanity; it is pedagogy. We teach ourselves how to be a country there.


In the long American argument between spectacle and substance, the East Wing has always taken the side of substance, by way of the quiet American display of proper humility and kindness.


It was the part of the house that said the loudest thing in the softest voice: this is yours.


Desecration tries to make that voice say, “This is his.”

Thursday, October 23, 2025

Secreted thesis (slight return)

 





















From the NME 1974 Annual - which as is the wont of annuals, is really a survey of 1973.

Sorry, don't want to trample on any memories here, but this is just hideous





Thursday, October 9, 2025

anti-theatricality and politics (theatre of war)

".... hundreds of serving generals and admirals were summoned from their postings around the world for a televised meeting on Tuesday with Trump and Hegseth, at the Marine Corps base in Quantico, Virginia. “Central casting,” the President said, beaming at the officers in the audience, who sat listening impassively, as is their tradition. He praised his own peace efforts, particularly in the Middle East, and mused about bringing back the battleship (“Nice six-inch sides, solid steel, not aluminum,” which “melts if it looks at a missile coming at it”), then issued what sounded like a directive. He proposed using American cities as “training grounds” for the military, envisioning a “quick-reaction force” that would be sent out at his discretion. “This is going to be a major part for some of the people in this room,” Trump said, like a theatre teacher trying to gin up interest in the spring musical. “That’s a war, too. It’s the war from within.....    

But the generals and the admirals assembled at Quantico might have reasonably noticed a paradox: although Trump seems to want no restraints on what he can do with the military, he hasn’t yet articulated anything specific for it to do, other than make a show of reducing crime in places where the rate is generally already falling....

“It all starts with physical fitness and appearance,” Hegseth said. He mentioned beards and fat (he’s against them) more than he did drones or missiles. “It’s completely unacceptable to see fat generals and admirals in the halls of the Pentagon,” he added. “It’s a bad look.” But does Hegseth want the best generals, or just the best skinny ones?...

"... On Tuesday, the White House announced that troops would be sent to Portland to “crush violent radical left terrorism.” That sounded much more frightening than the policy details reported by Oregon Public Radio: two hundred National Guard troops would be sent to provide additional security at federal facilities. For now, there is a heavy element of make-believe in the President’s domestic military ambitions....

The President’s lawyers asserted in a letter to Congress that the country is now formally in an “armed conflict” with the drug trade broadly, a determination through which Trump can claim extraordinary wartime powers. (There have been three more lethal attacks on boats in the southern Caribbean since early September, the most recent on Friday.) Each of these steps has elements of military theatrics and cosplay authoritarianism, but the more the White House insists on the trappings of war—the troop deployments, the “warrior ethos” grooming, the emergency legal powers—the more it risks nudging us toward an actual one."

- Benjamin Wallace-Wells, The New Yorker. 

"The entire program is lavishly and howlingly fascist, of course, but it is also so preposterous and so small. All of this underwrought bombast and frantic churning bullying is doing real and unjust damage in actual people's lives, but it is also slick with the sort of flopsweat that adheres to the phrase "like and subscribe." In the absence of governance, or just in its place, the state has taken up a grim and shameful kind of content creation. The conservative elite, all purpose and prayerfulness in their powerful offices, now has to crash out about nonbinary baristas and kick around sophomores with septum piercings for clout, like common influencers.

Again, this all emanates from and returns to Trump himself, whose industry as a content creator is exceeded only by his blank and insatiable appetite for consuming it. There is a certain type of content that the big guy likes, which is mostly cops roughing up bad guys but also rich people attending fancy parties and crowds rising for him in unanimous applause and footage of missiles blowing things up. The political culture now works mostly to create those images for him and explain why they are so popular and important. It shows them over and over again, and discusses them in tones of calculated awe—are they bigger, will there be more, how radical or reckless or bold are they, do you think, relative to the ones from yesterday, or last week?"

David Roth - The United States of Snitches

"It is sometimes considered gauche, in the world of American political commentary, to give words the weight of their meaning. As this thinking goes, there might be real belief, somewhere, in the provocations of our pundits, but much of it is just performance, and it doesn’t seem fair to condemn someone for the skill of putting on a good show. But Kirk was not just putting on a show. He was a dedicated proponent of a specific political program. He was a champion for an authoritarian politics that backed the repression of opponents and made light of violence against them."

- Jamelle Bouie 


"We are a bored, decadent nation, and we wanted a show, not a minority woman with actual plans for governing. The voters got bored with the show that replaced White House Apprentice, so they brought it back." - Tom Nichols


"Three years ago I taught a class at Harvard on the “theater of protest”— designed to help people understand why so many protests turn out to be Republican campaign videos working directly against the interests of the original protest.

A protest is an invitation to a better world.

It’s a ceremony.

No one accepts a ceremonial invitation when they’re being screamed at.

More important you have to know who the real audience of the protest is.

The audience is NEVER the police, the politicians, the Board of supervisors, Congress,etc.

The audience is always the American people, who are trying to decide who they can trust; who will not embarrass them.

If you win them, you win power at the box office and power to make positive change.

Everything else is a waste.

There are a few ways to get there:

1. Let women organize the event. They’re more collaborative. They’re more inclusive, and they don’t generally bring the undertones of violence men do.

2 Appoint monitors, give them yellow, vests and whistles. At the first sign of violence, they blow the whistles and the real protester sit down.

Let the police take out their aggression on the anarchists and the provocateurs trying to discredit the movement.

3. Dress like you’re going to church. It’s hard to be painted as a hoodlum when you’re dressed in clean, presentable clothes.

They don’t have to be fancy they just signal the respect for the occasion that you want to transmit to the audience.

4. Make your protest silent. Demonstrate your discipline to the American people. Let signs do the talking.

5. Go home at night. In the dark, you can’t tell the cops from the killers. Come back at dawn fresh and rested.

I have great fear that Trump’s staging with the National Guard and maybe the Marines is designed to clash with anarchists who are playing into his hands and offering him the opportunity to declare an insurrection.

It’s such a waste and it’s only because we haven’t thought things through strategically.

Nothing I thought of is particularly original.

It was all learned by watching the early civil rights protests in the 50s and 60s.

And it was the discipline and courage of African-Americans that drew such a clear line in the American sand that people were forced to take sides and that produced the civil rights act.

The American people are watching and once again if we behave in ways that can be misinterpreted, we’ll see this explained to the public in Republican campaign videos benefiting the very people who started this."

Peter Coyote on protest as street theatre 

Secret Thesis - 1980s Division (t'was Blitz to be alive in that dandy dawn)

There's  an exhibition at the Design Museum in High Street Kensington dedicated to the New Romantics and the club scene of Blitz and ...